Tense/aspect in Japanese: 'tokoro-da' as a reference point marker

In this talk, I will discuss the basic interpretations of tense/aspect suffixes in Japanese, '-ru (non-past),' '-ta (past),' -tei i-ru/i-ta (progressive, perfect)' and then examine how they are constrained by the addition of 'tokoro- da.' 'Tokoro-da', a combination of 'tokoro', a formal noun meaning 'location' and 'da,' a copula, restricts the interpretive possibilities '-ru' '-ta' and '-te i-ru/-i-ta' forms to immediate future, immediate past and progressive, respectively, in the cases of non-statives. If 'tokoro-da' is attached to stative predicates, the interpretation invariably involves counterfactualilty, rather than immediacy. I will show that the meaning of immediacy imposed by 'tokoro-da' can be described by a constraint that it introduces: the reference time be included in the interval denoted by the predicates, i.e., the same interpretation of tense for stative predicates. 'Tokoro-da' thus functions as the stativization marker for tense/aspectual phrases. The observation that 'tokoro-da' cannot combine with statives without enforcing a counterfactual interpretation can be explained by the redundancy 'tokoro-da' introduces if added to a stative. I will try to show that the function of 'tokoro-da,' described above can be related to the function of 'tokoro' as 'a reference point marker', i.e., basically the same function of 'tokoro' used as a locative noun, e.g., John-no tokoro (John's place).

Two sentential adverbials and tensedness in Japanese

This paper considers the semantics and pragmatics of two Japanese adverbials expressions, doose and isso, which express the attitude of the speaker toward a proposition in their scope (Morimoto, 1994). Both doose and isso require the proposition to take a modal suffix such as daroo (1) or -tai (2). More strictly speaking, isso cannot appear in the sentences with epistemic modality such as (3). On the other hand, doose cannot occur in the sentences with root modality such as (4).

Also, each adverbial has some special implication that its English counterpart (rather or in any case) does not have. Isso implies that the event expressed in the proposition in its scope is least likely to be fulfilled among the alternative events, whereas doose implies that the event described in the proposition in its scope is very likely, or rather, determined to be fulfilled.

Another important issue I discuss in this paper is that these adverbials appear not only in the consequent ((5), (6)) but also in the antecedent clause of conditional sentences ((7), (8)).

We should note that in Japanese there are two types of conditional clauses: non-tensed and tensed. Eba and tara are the conditional forms which follow predicate phrases exemplified in (5) and (6), while nara is the conditional form which comes after tensed clauses exemplified in (7) and (8).

As demonstrated by the above examples, isso appears in the non-tensed antecedent, while doose appears in the tensed antecedent. Note that in Japanese, epistemic modalities come after tensed forms as shown in (1). On the other hand, root modalities do not follow tensed forms but verb stems as shown in (2). These lead us naturally to generalize that doose distributes in tensed clauses while isso does not.

Based on these and other related facts, I propose an analysis of Japanese isso and doose which is in essence a version of modal semantics. I assume that past and present tense invariably includes a modal element of certainty, or settledness, according to Kaufmann (2005), depending on whether they are in main clauses or subordinate clauses.

Examples:

(2)	Isso rather dokoka-e somewhere-to it-teshimai-tai go-perf-want.to
	I would rather go somewhere.

(3)	*Isso   rather kare-ga he-nom kur-u-hazuda come-pres-must
	Rather, he must come. [intended]

(4)	*Doose   in.any.case kokode here mat-oo wait-be.going.to
	I will wait here in any case. [intended]

(5)	Anata-to you-from wakarer-u-nara, separate-pres-nara isso rather shin-deshimai-tai die-perf-want.to
	If I (have to) separate from you, I would rather die.

(6)	Haha-ni mother-to sonokoto-wo that-acc i-eba, say-eba doose in.any.case torimidas-u-nichigainai upset-pres-must
	If I tell it to my mother, she must be upset definitely.

(7)	{Isso/*doose} in.any.case/rather sin-u-nara die-pres-nara sakura-no cherry-gen ki-no tree-gen shitade under shini-tai die-want.to
	If I definitely die, I want to die under the cherry tree.

Cited references:

Arita, Setsuko (2004) (Fu)kanzen jiseisetsu to nihongo jookenbun. [=(In)complete tensedness and Japanese conditionals.] Ph.D. thesis, Kyoto University.

Kaufmann, Stefan (2005) Conditional truth and future reference. Journal of Semantics 22(3):231-280.

Kratzer, Angelika (1981) The notional category of modality. In J. Eikmeyer, & H. Rieser (eds), Words, Worlds, and Contexts. Walter de Gruyter, 3874.

Morimoto, Junko (1994) Hanashite no shukan wo arawasu fukushi nitsuite [=Some adverbials expressing the speaker's subjective attitudes.] Tokyo: Kuroshio Publisher.