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Date: | November 3, 2006 (Fri) |
Time: | 6:00pm |
Place: |
Kjersti and Alex's place |
Syntactic consequences of ellipsis identity: the case of
pronouns and polarity items
Jason Merchant
University of Chicago
After briefly reviewing the evidence that elliptical identity is
stated over syntactic phrase markers (especially from the domain of
voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis, sluicing, and pseudogapping), I
explore the consequences for our understanding of pronominal
interpretations and for the domain of polarity items. In particular, I
re-examine cases of so-called "vehicle change" like "Every boy kissed
his mother when she told him to.", in which naive syntactic identity
would result in the ungrammatical, Principle C- violating "...when she
told him to kiss his mother". I then turn to famous cases like "John
didn't see anyone, but Mary did" (from Ross, Sag, etc). In both cases,
it seems plausible to revive, in modern guise, something along the
lines of Klima's "some~any" rule; applying this in the pronominal
domain is much trickier, but may be compatible with recent proposals
by Elbourne and Kratzer (and Kayne) that phi- and other pronominal
features are contingent, not inherent, properties of DPs in certain
positions.
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